The State of Assam is today facing a myriad of diverse and composite problems and one of the most prominent issues is regarding the vast and diverse tribal population of the State. Tribal problems have today taken an acute turn as regards ethnicity which is a comparatively new phenomenon.
The tribal problems of today are nothing to be surprised at as eminent historians in the past had forecasted such a present day scenario considering the economic, social, and cultural deprivation of the tribals of the State which has been increasing from decade to decade. In the pre-independence era the tribal unrest took an infantile step during the first half of the 20th century. This has become an important chapter in the historical scenario of pre-independence Assam.
The tribal situation and their grievances were first publicly placed before the Simon Commission which was constituted at St. James, London on November 26, 1927. The main intention of the Simon Commission was “to enquire into the working of the system of Government, the growth of education and the development of representative institutions in British India and matters connected therewith.”
The Simon Commission reached Assam in late 1928 and its activities continued till January, 1929. The Simon Commission asked members from the “Primitive and Backward Tribes” of Assam to depose before it at Shillong on 4, January, 1929. In response to it, several memorandums from the different tribal communities were placed. They were 1) memorandum by Bodo community of Goalpara District by Ghyasuddin Ahmed. 2) memorandum of the Kachari community in Assam by Jadav Chandra Khaklari, 3) memorandum by Bodo Jubak Sanmiloni by Shyama Charan Brahma and Rupa Ram Brahma.
The distinct identity and civilisation of the Bodos and their existence in Goalpara and neighbouring areas were described in the first memorandum. There should be a separate category for the “Bodos” in the census report. In the memorandum reference was also made about safeguarding the interest of the Bodo community for having a separate representative in the Council. There should be four seats for Assam in Central Legislature and out of those one should be reserved for Bodos of Assam. Through the memorandum the Bodos opposed the transfer of district of Goalpara to Bengal which was wanted by some Zamindars of Goalpara since the Bodos had more affinity with the Assamese than the Bengalis. In educational matters a demand was made that the Government should bestow special treatment to the Bodo community and provision should be made for free primary education and special scholarship to be given for higher education.
The memorandum from the Kachari community which comprised of the Rabhas, Sonowals, Meches, Thengais, Laloongs, Saranias, Dimasas and Husai etc all from different ramifications of the same community e.g. the Kacharis. It was also mentioned that since in the memorandum that the Kacharis are “Historically and traditionally, stand on a very high level and socially they enjoy splendid isolation, but educationally and politically they are backward” . Since they formed one fifth of the Assamese population they wanted separate representation for them in the legislature. They also wanted two seats to be reserved in the local legislature. The memorandum also stressed upon grants for their spread of education. As students of their community weren’t allowed to mess together with the Hindus so they wanted provisions of separate messings in all schools and colleges of Assam, The third memorandum by Bodo Juvak Sanmilani also emphasised that they should receive a special treatment the hands of the Government in matters of appointment and education. They also protested against the timer business which was going out of their hands to the outsiders depriving them of a great source of income. Therefore they wanted that the old system of the forest Mahal should be reintroduced and Bodos be given the right of trading in timer business in forests of the district of Goalpara.
These were some of the grievances placed before the Simon Commission. Since 1928, the tribals gradually united themselves and placed their grievances in different platforms. It was during this period that tribal students of Cotton College were against provision of separate mess for them where associated Bhimbar Deori then student of Cotton College, who later on took leadership of the tribal uprising. Bijoy Chandra Bhagawati, one of the renowned freedom fighter who was also a student of Cotton College of those times also protested against this discrimination meted out to the tribals.
In 1930, Bishnu Prasad Rabha a leading personality of Assamese culture wrote in an essay that if the politicians and social activists do not try to equalise the status of the oppressed and downtrodden races with other advanced races of Assam then there will be a civil war in Assam, which can be justified in the context of present scenario of Assam.
Gradually, the tribals united themselves to set forth their various grievances and in 1933 under the able leadership of Bhimbar Deori all tribals of Assam assembled in Nowgong and formed the Assam Backward Tribals League and Bhimbar Deori was appointed its general secretary and Jadav Chandra Khaklari became president of this league. Bhimbar Deori felt that only if all the different tribes such as Sonowal, Kachari, Mattaks, Misings, Bodos, Tiwa, Rabha etc unites then only they can develop themselves.
Since its birth the Tribal League was trying to reveal before the Government their backwardness in order to gain sympathy and was also trying to spread their organisation in different parts of Assam. In response to the League, the Government of Assam reserved four seats out of 108 of Assam Legislative Assembly in 1935. In 1937 Rupnath Brahma, Ravi Chandra Kachari, Kark Chandra Doley and Dhirsing Deuri were elected in the reserved seats for the first time from Tribal League. Bhimbar Deuri became a member of Assam Legislative Council being nominated by Government of Assam.
As is evident from the present day scenario the great patriarch Bishnu Prasad Rabha’s words have proved to be prophetic. Even after five decades of independence socio-economic disparity among the tribals of Assam is still rampant. Despite a few endeavours by a few political leaders such as the late Gopinath Bordoloi, respective Central and State Governments have not been able to do anything to bring the tribals into the mainstream of the society. Different offices and Panchayats for Tribal Welfare have been set up but their contribution towards tribal uplift has been minimal.
It is perhaps due to the feeling of alienation among the tribals that we find ourselves today in the present atmosphere of violence and extremism as the tribals are today refusing to let themselves be taken for granted. A solution can only be feasible if the Central and State governments take a pro-active and sincere approach towards solving the genuine problem faced by the tribals of the State.
The tribal problems of today are nothing to be surprised at as eminent historians in the past had forecasted such a present day scenario considering the economic, social, and cultural deprivation of the tribals of the State which has been increasing from decade to decade. In the pre-independence era the tribal unrest took an infantile step during the first half of the 20th century. This has become an important chapter in the historical scenario of pre-independence Assam.
The tribal situation and their grievances were first publicly placed before the Simon Commission which was constituted at St. James, London on November 26, 1927. The main intention of the Simon Commission was “to enquire into the working of the system of Government, the growth of education and the development of representative institutions in British India and matters connected therewith.”
The Simon Commission reached Assam in late 1928 and its activities continued till January, 1929. The Simon Commission asked members from the “Primitive and Backward Tribes” of Assam to depose before it at Shillong on 4, January, 1929. In response to it, several memorandums from the different tribal communities were placed. They were 1) memorandum by Bodo community of Goalpara District by Ghyasuddin Ahmed. 2) memorandum of the Kachari community in Assam by Jadav Chandra Khaklari, 3) memorandum by Bodo Jubak Sanmiloni by Shyama Charan Brahma and Rupa Ram Brahma.
The distinct identity and civilisation of the Bodos and their existence in Goalpara and neighbouring areas were described in the first memorandum. There should be a separate category for the “Bodos” in the census report. In the memorandum reference was also made about safeguarding the interest of the Bodo community for having a separate representative in the Council. There should be four seats for Assam in Central Legislature and out of those one should be reserved for Bodos of Assam. Through the memorandum the Bodos opposed the transfer of district of Goalpara to Bengal which was wanted by some Zamindars of Goalpara since the Bodos had more affinity with the Assamese than the Bengalis. In educational matters a demand was made that the Government should bestow special treatment to the Bodo community and provision should be made for free primary education and special scholarship to be given for higher education.
The memorandum from the Kachari community which comprised of the Rabhas, Sonowals, Meches, Thengais, Laloongs, Saranias, Dimasas and Husai etc all from different ramifications of the same community e.g. the Kacharis. It was also mentioned that since in the memorandum that the Kacharis are “Historically and traditionally, stand on a very high level and socially they enjoy splendid isolation, but educationally and politically they are backward” . Since they formed one fifth of the Assamese population they wanted separate representation for them in the legislature. They also wanted two seats to be reserved in the local legislature. The memorandum also stressed upon grants for their spread of education. As students of their community weren’t allowed to mess together with the Hindus so they wanted provisions of separate messings in all schools and colleges of Assam, The third memorandum by Bodo Juvak Sanmilani also emphasised that they should receive a special treatment the hands of the Government in matters of appointment and education. They also protested against the timer business which was going out of their hands to the outsiders depriving them of a great source of income. Therefore they wanted that the old system of the forest Mahal should be reintroduced and Bodos be given the right of trading in timer business in forests of the district of Goalpara.
These were some of the grievances placed before the Simon Commission. Since 1928, the tribals gradually united themselves and placed their grievances in different platforms. It was during this period that tribal students of Cotton College were against provision of separate mess for them where associated Bhimbar Deori then student of Cotton College, who later on took leadership of the tribal uprising. Bijoy Chandra Bhagawati, one of the renowned freedom fighter who was also a student of Cotton College of those times also protested against this discrimination meted out to the tribals.
In 1930, Bishnu Prasad Rabha a leading personality of Assamese culture wrote in an essay that if the politicians and social activists do not try to equalise the status of the oppressed and downtrodden races with other advanced races of Assam then there will be a civil war in Assam, which can be justified in the context of present scenario of Assam.
Gradually, the tribals united themselves to set forth their various grievances and in 1933 under the able leadership of Bhimbar Deori all tribals of Assam assembled in Nowgong and formed the Assam Backward Tribals League and Bhimbar Deori was appointed its general secretary and Jadav Chandra Khaklari became president of this league. Bhimbar Deori felt that only if all the different tribes such as Sonowal, Kachari, Mattaks, Misings, Bodos, Tiwa, Rabha etc unites then only they can develop themselves.
Since its birth the Tribal League was trying to reveal before the Government their backwardness in order to gain sympathy and was also trying to spread their organisation in different parts of Assam. In response to the League, the Government of Assam reserved four seats out of 108 of Assam Legislative Assembly in 1935. In 1937 Rupnath Brahma, Ravi Chandra Kachari, Kark Chandra Doley and Dhirsing Deuri were elected in the reserved seats for the first time from Tribal League. Bhimbar Deuri became a member of Assam Legislative Council being nominated by Government of Assam.
As is evident from the present day scenario the great patriarch Bishnu Prasad Rabha’s words have proved to be prophetic. Even after five decades of independence socio-economic disparity among the tribals of Assam is still rampant. Despite a few endeavours by a few political leaders such as the late Gopinath Bordoloi, respective Central and State Governments have not been able to do anything to bring the tribals into the mainstream of the society. Different offices and Panchayats for Tribal Welfare have been set up but their contribution towards tribal uplift has been minimal.
It is perhaps due to the feeling of alienation among the tribals that we find ourselves today in the present atmosphere of violence and extremism as the tribals are today refusing to let themselves be taken for granted. A solution can only be feasible if the Central and State governments take a pro-active and sincere approach towards solving the genuine problem faced by the tribals of the State.
Source: Abid Bihu
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